Democratic Conflict or Ethnic Cleansing?: The Amhara-Tigrayan-Oromo Conflict in Ethiopia
Are the ethnic tensions currently erupting in Ethiopia symptoms of democratic conflict or organized ethnic cleansing?
By: Ian L. Courts¹
Ethiopia is a massive state in Eastern Africa, made of numerous ethnic groups with their own unique and distinct cultures. Ethiopia’s ethnic groups consist of the Oromo, Tigrayan, and Amhara, et al., each of these groups has been historically in the conflict despite living in communities adjacent to and intermixed with one another. The federal state of Ethiopia has to varying degrees, tried to govern this massive state; however, ethnic biases and prejudice have routinely plagued the country, with local militia bands warring for control and political functions for supremacy. Most recently, there have been waves of conflict between Amhara, Tigrayan, and Oromo ethnic groups; specifically, there has been a long series of attacks between Tigrayan and Amhara ethnic groups, with the Ethiopian federal government also committing potential war crimes and crimes against humanity. Concurrently, the Oromo ethnic group, the largest ethnic culture in Ethiopia, has committed atrocities against and in response to the Amhara ethnic population.
The conflict in Ethiopia fits within the global shift of discontent and, in some places, outright conflict within nations, most particularly in democracies. Are the conflicts in Ethiopia between its ethnic groups and the federal government a symptom of democratic conflict or ethnic cleansing?
FACTS ON THE GROUND
The Amhara ethnic faction in Ethiopia is a Cushitic-Semitic people who have lived in Ethiopia’s west, central and highland areas of the state. For most of Ethiopia’s history, even today, Amharic persons have controlled Ethiopia’s government and largely dominated the political and economic spheres of the country. Moreover, the Amhara have historically subjugated and subjugated the other ethnic groups in the country.
While the Oromo faction in Ethiopia is a Cushitic people who lived throughout Ethiopia, most prominently in its Western, Southern, and Central areas. Additionally, the Oromo are the largest ethnic group within the state of Ethiopia but have routinely not received representation in Ethiopia’s federal government, as the Amhara have, and nor have they received the economic benefits of developing Ethiopia.
Lastly, the Tigrayan ethnic group occupies the country’s northern Tigray state. For most of Ethiopia’s history, the Tigrayan are and have been farmers and strict adherents to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. However, recently, there has been a resurgence of violence between the region of Tigray and the Ethiopian federal government. This tension and conflict have escalated to severe violence by the Ethiopian federal forces and Tigrayan Liberation Front.
Democratic Conflict vs. Ethnic Cleansing?
Both sides have hurled heated rhetoric toward the other, with the federal government minimizing the conflict as the fault of rebel anti-government Tigrayan extremists, while the Tigrayan Liberation Front and its international supporters have accused the federal government of ethnic cleansing.
The truth, as with all things, lies somewhere in the middle; it does not look like the government is specifically targeting the Tigrayan people to eliminate them but in response to attacks levied against them by insurgent Tigrayan actors; while Tigray wants greater independence and sovereignty to govern its region and ethnic peoples.
While to the credit of the Tigrayan Liberation Front, the federal government's response has been deadly and has targeted and impacted the Tigrayan people most damagingly.
Under international law, there is no codification of “ethnic cleansing” under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court nor any other treaty that specifically outlines ethnic cleansing as a crime. Despite the fact that ethnic cleansing is not codified within international criminal law, other crimes such as genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes are defined under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and other international treaties.
However, the United Nations Human Rights Council has created an independent commission to investigate the atrocities committed by both sides in the conflict. The commission is being headed by former Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Fatou Bensouda, and a Gambian national. I think the selection of Mrs. Bensouda signals that the Council is seriously looking at requesting a potential formal investigation by the International Criminal Court and holding officials responsible. Additionally, I believe the selection of Ms. Bensouda, an African woman is important in dealing with African issues and encouraging African independence and self-governance.
However, the overarching question is can federalism work within a country with many ethnic groups with centuries of animosity toward one another? Is Ethiopia a microcosm of the global trend against unity and democracy and toward tribalism and ethnic nationalism?
Unsteady Ceasefire or Stable Peace?
According to the Washington Report, nearly half a million Ethiopians have been killed, and almost a million more displaced.
This conflict has stained the Ethiopian federal government’s international standing and heightened ethnic tensions within the country.
How this conflict ends will have reverberating effects on Ethiopia’s progress and industrialization, East Africa’s economy, and African nations’ strength and independence to address ethnic disputes within their own borders.
As of this report, fighting has resumed in Ethiopia’s Tigray region after nearly a month of a ceasefire.
The African Union and other international organization, such as the United Nations, has called for a ceasefire and peace talks.
The Ethiopian and Tigrayan authorities have hinted at openness toward peace talks.
Each side needs to assess the damage done and the opportunity that lasting peace provides for unity and healing. Whether that will happen is an open question.
I urge President Biden, specifically Vice President Harris, the first African American vice president, to become educated on the conflict and encourage a workable peace that benefits the Ethiopian people, especially their women and children.
[1]: About the Author: Ian Courts is a young millennial attorney with expertise and a passion in American and international law and politics. Ian received his BA in Political Science from the University of North Carolina at Greensboro in 2017, in 2020 he received his J.D. from North Carolina Central University School of Law, and in 2022 Ian received his LLM in International Criminal Law and Justice from the University of New Hampshire School of Law. Ian lives in Philadelphia where he is an appellate lawyer and the proud fur-dad of two American Cocker Spaniels.
